Re: MD Understanding Quality in Society

From: Wim Nusselder (wim.nusselder@antenna.nl)
Date: Tue Jan 25 2005 - 07:34:25 GMT

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    Dear Matt,

    In reply to your 23 Jan 2005 23:11:00 -0800 post:
    I meant to distinguish 24 Jan 2005 06:42:31 +0100 four and not five
    organizing principles. 'Enforcement' is the same as 'force'. After
    mentioning 'enforcement' as one of them I should have written:
    'The full list of the organizing principles I distinguish is:' instead of
    'The others I distinguish are:'
    So four principles for organizing that everyone gets what he/she wants:
    1) natural order (old being wiser than young, male being stronger than
    female, some races supposedly being somehow better than others, the gods
    supposedly having gifted some individuals more than others)
    2) force (from brigands robbing travellers on pain of death to governments
    demanding payment of taxes on pain of imprisonment)
    3) dependence (poor labourers' dependence on land- or capital-owners to
    provide them with essential means of production, consumers' dependence on
    buying something they need, producers' dependence on outlets for their
    product etc.)
    4) convincement (that cooperating in a specific way under someone's
    leadership is the best for everyone)

    In Western societies the role of 'natural order' as organizing principle is
    relatively limited and less recognized then elsewhere. Especially in family
    life (household economics) it is still dominant (parents deciding for
    children what they have to do and males and females having a more or less
    strict role division -somewhat dependent on cultural background-). Outside
    that sphere it also retains some relevance: males in their 50'ties and
    60'ties are apparently considered more fit for managerial positions than
    others. In other cultures, e.g. China, the normal age for those in power is
    even higher.

    I meant to write that enforcement is the defining principle of government
    intervention. You won't need more explanation for that I guess.
    I already mentioned the (limited) role of age and gender in recruitment for
    government positions, however.
    In my 24 Jan 2005 06:42:31 +0100 post I already mentioned the role of convin
    cement in public economics: parties convincing the electorate that their
    candidate is the best for a public job, governors/rulers/administrators
    explaining their intentions and decisions in the media etc..
    Dependence on government services (as diverse as provision of identity
    papers, production/guaranteeing of the goodies/figures that go for 'money'
    and building of roads in public areas) also plays a role. Someone wanting to
    be elected for a public job sometimes 'buys' it by promising jobs, roads,
    schools and other things his/her constituency needs. Provision of government
    jobs can also be a way in which politicians 'buy' or sustain power.

    The dependence principle has its natural habitat in what we usually call the
    'market economy'. Of course dependence is always to some extent mutual. If
    mutual dependence is equal, dependence ceases to be an organizing factor,
    however. In markets with lots of small consumers and small producers and no
    big intermediaries (or associations representing consumers or producers)
    turn-over is liable to what Dutch economists call 'pig (breeding) cycles':
    high prices induce more farmers to breed pigs, which lowers prices with a
    delay due to the needed investments, which disencourages further
    investments, which makes supply lower than demand, which raises prices again
    and so on. Here the government often steps in to guarantee prices in order
    to limit the capital destruction in the phase of the cycle when
    overproduction would cause bankruptcies. An alternative way of preventing
    such cycles is organization of producers and/or consumers in voluntary
    associations that can bargain over fair prices. Producers and consumers have
    to be convinced to join the association (and pay contributions) of course.

    Even in the 'market economy' the convincement principle has become very
    important in the course of the last century. Producers increasingly need
    advertising and free publicity for the good qualities of their produce.
    Within companies (of on the 'labour market' if you want) convincing
    employers that you are the right person for a job and convincing employees
    that a certain job is not worth more than a certain salary have taken the
    place of dependence on undifferentiated labour and having to accept any wage
    that 'the market' dictates. High tech industries much depend for their
    succes on convincing society at large that the technologies they invent are
    the best and should be the standard. Brand status (often associated with the
    star status of sponsored sport stars or celeb status of entertainment stars
    hires for commercials) works as a way of 'brainwashing' (convincing with
    improper means) consumers into believing that certain firms always produce
    the best products.

    'The market' is a very incomplete and misleading metaphor for (even Western)
    economies (even the American one). It would be even if government would
    cease to 'extort' taxes. The predominant use of the 'market' metaphor for
    anything economic can itself be seen as a result of 'brainwashing'...
    Returning to your original question (whether socio-economic systems should
    be free of government intervention): I see no reason why enforcing ways of
    organizing what people want if most people want them organized that way
    should be bad. It can produce much needed order and cooperation (and thus
    more collective wealth) on scales where the dependence principle alone (or
    combined with the convincement principle) fails to organize things. Its
    legitimacy depends on the democratic quality of government of course, i.e.
    on the balancing of enforcment with convincement.

    This is enough for now, I hope. You also asked exemplification of:
    '[These organizing principles alias ways to make others work for you] can
    also be understood as BOTH ways to create more collective wealth and
    survival chances for a society as a whole AND ways to create a social elite
    that gets more than it needs. The balance between these two effects
    determines whether it also creates an underclass that gets les than it
    needs.'
    Maybe you can name one or more examples where you see an elite and an
    underclass, which I can then try to explain in this way?

    With friendly greetings,

    Wim

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