Re: MD What makes an idea dangerous?

From: Wim Nusselder (wim.nusselder@antenna.nl)
Date: Tue Nov 11 2003 - 22:17:05 GMT

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    Dear Platt,

    Let's keep in mind that we agreed that social changes are slower than
    intellectual ones (and yes, also that biological changes are even slower and
    inorganical changes are slowest).
    My reference to your example of European immigration into the USA (as
    supposed quick social change) as 'changing participation in unchanging
    social patterns of value' meant no 'separation of social patterns from
    "participation"' (as you state 11 Nov 2003 08:24:28 -0500). 'People
    participate in patterns of value' is just a general way to describe how
    people relate to patterns of value for me, not just to social patterns of
    value.
    Falling when lacking support, we participate in gravitation. Procreating we
    participate in maintaining our species. Writing English, I participate in
    that language as a social pattern of value. Maar ik kan ook in het
    nederlands schrijven and that doesn't mean that English as a social pattern
    of value ceases to exist. Patterns of value cease to exist when nobody
    participates, but most exist regardless of any particular individual's
    participation. So, European immigrants starting to participate in American
    social patterns of value did not automatically imply changing social
    patterns of value.

    Yes, social patterns can change and a new economic paradigm can be a factor
    in changing social patterns of value for the better. Inventing a new
    economic paradigm (as in my 'economics of want and greed') is primarily
    aimed at changing intellectual patterns of value of course. Once a new
    intellectual pattern of value has gained enough stability, it can (motivate
    people to) change (the small part of their) behavior (that is voluntary). If
    enough people do so, the changed behavior can become a pattern that is
    copied also by people who don't participate in the original (changed)
    intellectual pattern of value that motivated changing behavior. That's a
    long and slow process...

    I agree that 'hominids' includes 'humans'. So I should have written: 'I
    would write [that language is] A linking pin [between the social and the
    intellectual level] and I would specify that SYMBOLIC language may have
    separated humans from other HOMINIDS. (It's social patterns of value like
    stronger group solidarity and the incest taboo that separated hominids from
    other animals between 1 and 2 million years ago.)'
    Do you agree with that?
    I don't know enough about homo neanderthalensis to say whether 'humans'
    includes or excludes it.

    Regarding Rorty you write:
    'I haven't come across anything that suggests Rorty would advocate
    resistance to "intersubjective agreement" or what I call "groupthink." ...
    But, I ask you: Is not Rorty's "Truth is a matter of intersubjective
    agreement" a
    fundamental premise of his philosophy? Further, I hope you will address my
    question about "Who are these inter-subjects?"'

    My point was not that Rorty would advocate such resistance (I only guess
    that he would advocate resistance against some "group-think", e.g. -being
    considered leftist by you- rightist "group-think"). My point was that he
    doesn't defend "group-think" and that his theory can be used to support
    resistance against it.
    There's no point in principled resistance against all "group-think". Every
    intellectual pattern of value in which several people participate (e.g. the
    MoQ) constitutes a form of "group-think". No relevant intellectual pattern
    of value (with relevance to others than its initiator) can do without.
    I haven't read Rorty, but from what I read about him via others (on this
    list) it may well be a fundamental premise of his philosophy that there's no
    other way to justify a statement that something is 'true' than to quote
    others stating the same.
    Individual direct Quality experience being the fundamental absolute standard
    of truth for you, me and everyone, we are still left with the task of
    convincing each other of 'my truth' when 'our truths' appear to differ. So
    apart from a standard of truth, we also need a way (or more ways) to justify
    truth. What other ways do you see apart from "intersubjective agreement"?
    A problem is also, that the range of our individual direct Quality
    experience is too limited to test every statement that is presented to us as
    true. If you say that the American way of life is better than the Chinese
    way of life, I have no direct Quality experience to test it against (never
    having been in either country). In a lot of cases we have to rely on
    accounts of other people's direct Quality experiences, i.e. on
    "group-think", for we cannot take all experience of all other people with a
    certain situation into account. We have to select a group whose 'typical'
    accounts we hold for true.
    My answer to your question "Who are these inter-subjects?" is: whoever YOU
    choose. It is by showing this possibility of choice, that Rorty's theory of
    truth facilitates resistance against "group-think" that doesn't fit your
    individual direct Quality experience.
    You can of course choose not to rely on any account from anybody else and
    only take your own direct Quality experience for granted, but then the
    limitations of your direct Quality experience exclude you from discussion of
    at least 99,99% of all 'truths' stated by others.

    Apart from his clumsy and incomplete way of formulating it, I do agree with
    Pirsig's statement that:
    'the twentieth-century intellectual faith in man's basic goodness as
    spontaneous and natural is disastrously naive. The ideal of a harmonious
    society in which everyone without coercion cooperates happily with everyone
    else for the mutual good of all is a devastating fiction'.

    It is clumsy because any 'faith in an idea' is intellectual, any 'ideal' is
    a fiction and on the social level purposes (like 'for the mutual good of
    all') have no meaning (they are intellectual rationalizations). It is
    incomplete, because the idea that man is basically good did arise earlier
    than the 20th century. But yes, at the biological and social levels people
    do compete far too much to describe their dealings with each other as
    harmonious. (They do not only compete, however. Pirsig overstated his point
    when he wrote: 'Studies of bones left by the cavemen indicate that
    cannibalism, not cooperation, was a pre-society norm.' These same cavemen
    also left bones of mammoths that must have been killed in close
    cooperation... His next statement, 'Primitive tribes such as the American
    Indians have no record of sweetness and cooperation with other tribes', is
    simply beside the point, which is to what extent they cooperated WITHIN
    their tribe.) The ideal of a harmonious society is an intellectual pattern
    of value and as such it can only command a small (motivated) part of human
    behavior. That 'a harmonious society' is not a description that fits the
    whole of our social experience is obvious.

    My definition of politics as 'working together on the future of a society as
    a whole' does not imply 'working harmoniously together'. Democrats and
    Republicans in the USA DO work together on the future of American society as
    long as Democrats accept (however reluctantly) Republican rule until the
    next elections (and vice versa). They share power (this many years for one,
    that many years for the other, depending on voters favors) and believe that
    (in the end) this way of balancing influence on the future of their society
    best represents the will of the people and thus 'the mutual good of all'.
    They are obviously NOT working together harmoniously, but competing for 'the
    mutual good of all'. After a change of power a lot of investments in the
    future by one party are undone by the other party, however, making these
    investments into a waste of energy. So 'the mutual good of all' is not
    really optimally served in this way.

    Thus my ideal of politics is cooperating as harmoniously as possible on the
    future of a society as a whole (given the limitations imposed by biological
    and social patterns of value). Dutch models of politics (i.e. the
    intellectual patterns of value guiding a small part of our behavior) fit
    this ideal better than American ones (e.g. by necessitating coalition
    governments).

    You wrote:
    'Our Founding Fathers agreed with Pirsig's assessment of man's fundamental
    nature and so set up a government based on checks and balances that
    controlled man's natural "fights for power."'

    I do agree that PART of human 'nature' (including social patterns of value)
    is 'fighting for power' and that political models (i.e. intellectual
    patterns of value guiding political behavior) should include a system of
    checks and balances. That's exactly why I oppose American foreign policy:
    because it opposes such a system of checks and balances on a global scale
    (e.g. through the UN, the international court of justice, international
    agreements like the Kyoto one etc.).
    'An American policy to spread democracy and freedom throughout the world' is
    a great idea. If the actual American foreign policy amounts to wielding
    unchecked and unbalanced power, the actual effect will differ considerably
    from the professed objective (more democracy and freedom everywhere),
    however. One of the effects is apparently more terrorism...

    The idea that human nature is ONLY 'fighting for power' is a very dangerous
    idea. It is a self-fulfilling prophesy.

    With friendly greetings,

    Wim

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