Re: MD What makes an idea dangerous?

From: Wim Nusselder (wim.nusselder@antenna.nl)
Date: Tue Nov 18 2003 - 22:34:31 GMT

  • Next message: MATTHEW PAUL KUNDERT: "Re: MD matt said scott said"

    Dear Platt,

    You wrote 12 Nov 2003 13:13:48 -0500:
    'I see your point [that European immigrants starting to participate in
    American social patterns of value did not automatically imply changing
    social patterns of value] but would argue human participation is required
    for social and intellectual values, but NOT for biological or inorganic.
    Falling, procreating and such were happening long before humans appeared on
    scene. But only after humans evolved did social and intellectual patterns of
    values (as defined in the MOQ) emerge. Agree?'

    I agree, but don't see the relevance of that for our discussion whether
    social patterns of value can change dramatically in a short period of time.
    Your 'social pattern chang[ing] dramatically for the immigrant's children'
    was not a change OF social patterns of value. The fact that human
    participation is required for American social patterns value to exist, does
    not imply that additional participants (i.e. immigrant's children) changed
    them. It changed the participants, not the patterns.

    You wrote further on:
    'What concerns me about attributing this or that characteristic to early man
    is the amount of speculation necessitated by lack of hard evidence.'

    The hard evidence is limited, indeed. Not only bone structures, by the way,
    but also tools, bones of hunted animals, camp places etc. The limited amount
    of hard evidence necessitates a lot of deduction (not speculation, but
    Pirsig's 'thinking about what the senses provide') and implies that a little
    bit of extra hard evidence can lead to relatively large changes in deduced
    characteristics of early man.
    Well, we'll just have to accept the limited amount of hard evidence and the
    relativity (to these sense data) of the deduced 'truth'. Without deduction
    we couldn't say anything at all about the origins of the different levels.

    You wrote further on:
    'If it's raining outside and if someone questions the truth of my assertion
    that it's raining outside, I don't need to quote others to justify the truth

    of whether it's raining or not. I can simply say, "See for yourself."'

    If I question your assertion that it was raining wherever you live at 12 Nov
    2003 13:13:48 -0500, I cannot see for myself anymore. If I am lucky some
    meteorologist registered it (probably not), but even then it's your quote
    against the meteorologist's one and not direct experience that justifies the
    truth of that statement for me.
    This bit of sense data is not likely to start an intellectual pattern of
    value, anyway, because it has no relevance whatsoever for anyone living
    elsewhere (and even very little for you and others living near you). Whether
    Scotland scored 1-0 against the Netherlands in the football match yesterday
    afternoon WILL start an intellectual pattern of value. (Dutch and Scottish
    football fans will be able to tell you the answer for scores of years to
    come. Especially if it -against the expectations before the match- keeps the
    Dutch team out of the European Championship tournament.) Hardly anyone
    participating in it will have taken the pains to see for him/herself at the
    spot, however. Television representation of what happened can have been
    manipulated. (Most of what appears on television is fiction or manipulated
    reality anyway.) And whoever missed the match will have to rely on reports
    by others.

    According to you '[individual direct Quality experience being the
    fundamental absolute standard of truth for you, me and everyone, we are] not
    necessarily [still left with the task of convincing each other of "my truth"
    when "our truths" appear to differ', because you 'feel no overwhelming
    obligation to convince [me] of "[your] truth".'

    Then your truth is not very likely to start an intellectual pattern of value
    that's relevant for me. It will just die with you (or before).

    I agree that 'direct experience of the matter in dispute' is a way to
    justify truth in some cases, but in the overwhelming majority of cases (i.e.
    intellectual patterns of value) there's a lot of deduction and 'thinking
    about what other people's sense have reportedly provided' involved.

    But that's what you already agreed with when your wrote further on:
    'No argument there. It's a matter of who do you trust and keeping a weather
    eye open for the grinding of group axes that tend to spin the facts to suit
    their goals, like political groups on both left and right.'
    in reply to my:
    'In a lot of cases we have to rely on accounts of other people's direct
    Quality experiences, i.e. on "group-think", for we cannot take all
    experience of all other people with a certain situation into account. We
    have to select a group whose "typical" accounts we hold for true.'

    You continued with:
    'I'd venture to say most people's interest in other than there own direct
    experiences is fairly limited, and
    discussion of what's true and what isn't rarely crosses their minds..'

    I disagree with the first part: people ARE interested in a lot of 'truths'
    which they cannot base on own direct experiences (e.g. sports news).
    I agree with the second part: As I wrote: intellectual patterns of value are
    maintained by copying of reasons for behavior (and usually not by
    consideration/discussion of what's true or not).

    You also wrote:
    'I would say "faith" is a willingness to believe falsehoods promulgated by
    intersubjective agreement among certain groups, primarily religious and
    political. So I would say faith is anti-intellectual. "Ideals" are
    interesting. I'm not sure what they mean but they must have some meaning
    because your "Economics of Want and Greed" sets forth an ideal. Not so?'

    You interpretation of "faith" doesn't seem to be the sense in which Pirsig
    or I used the term. Pirsig's statement can be translated without change in
    meaning into: 'the twentieth-century intellectual [trust] in man's basic
    goodness as spontaneous and natural is disastrously naive'. It doesn't imply
    'falsehoods'. In my definition all ideas (trustworthy or not, true or false)
    are part of the intellectual level.
    I didn't say that 'ideals' are meaningless (as you seem to have read), but
    that 'ideals' are fiction (as 'Lila' is fiction) and that 'purposes' (like
    'for the mutual good of all') have no meaning on the social level. Both
    'ideals' and 'purposes' ARE very meaningful on the intellectual level: they
    motivate people to deviate from social patterns of behavior. 'Individual
    freedom' is a good example of an ideal that must have some meaning for you
    and freeing the Iraqis from Saddam Hussein and the USA from terrorism are
    examples of purposes which I guess you support.
    To what extent does the ideal set forth in my "Economics of Want and Greed"
    have any appeal to you?

    You continued:
    'Seems your adapting the same argument I used regarding social patterns vs.
    individuals--you know, the level of abstraction being used.. Cooperation
    would appear to be greater at the family level, less so at the tribal level,
    less so the community level, less so at the state level, less so at the
    national level, and certainly less so at the international level.'

    My argument is quite different from yours. It has nothing to do with levels
    of abstraction, but with the idea that social patterns of value hold
    together societies and that any identifiable society is characterized BOTH
    by internal cooperation AND by external competition. If you look at all
    overlapping societies of different scales together, you may get the
    impression that cooperation and competition are a matter of degree related
    to
    scale or level of abstraction, but a MoQ based identification of social
    patterns of value and societies shows a different picture.

    Your next statement is:
    'Well, I'm not sure [about the American two-party system being less than
    optimal]. I would hesitate to try to define precisely what is the optimal
    mutual good of all. For instance, our Social Security system, thought by
    many to be for the good of all, is running out of money. But, I digress.'

    I was not defining the optimal mutual good of all, either. I just expressed
    a feeling that something is wrong with the American political system using
    an expression which I borrowed from Pirsig (via your quote). It seems
    inefficient from a Dutch point of view.

    The Dutch constitution plus other laws guarantee individual rights quite
    well in my experience. Certainly not worse than in the USA.

    You seem to become really edgy when you write:
    'You're asking the U.S. to give up its sovereignty to the likes of Libya,
    Sudan, Sierra Leone, Togo and Uganda. I don't think so. Would you give up
    Dutch sovereignty to become a U.N. protectorate?.'

    Sigh... No Platt, of course that's not what I'm asking, Platt. Could you
    please manage some more subtlety in this discussion?
    You have used this argument against giving the UN some real powers (equating
    the UN with countries like Libya) before (7 Mar 2003 08:51:13 -0500).
    I replied 18 Mar 2003 23:32:34 +0100 with:
    'Of course a UN police force should enforce human rights as defined by the
    UN as a whole in some democratic sort of way, in which a country like Libya
    would only have a relatively small vote. Please try to represent my
    viewpoints as I meant them or interpret them in the most favorable way you
    can'
    The 'system of checks and balances on a global scale' that I ask for no more
    requires 'the U.S. to give up its sovereignty' than the (internal) system of
    checks and balances which you Americans are so proud of requires Americans
    to give up their individual rights.

    With my statement
    'If the actual American foreign policy amounts to wielding unchecked and
    unbalanced power, ... One of the effects is apparently more terrorism...'
    I do state that PART of the causes of terrorism directed against America are
    to be found in the detrimental effects of American global power these
    terrorists and their supporters perceive. Denying this makes it
    unexplainable why the terrorism is aimed at the US. If there were checks on
    American use of global power and counterforces to be invoked, less people
    would feel the need for terrorism to check it. (Which doesn't justify
    terrorism in any way, because it only destroys the fabric of society. It
    gives no constructive solution for the perceived problem.)
    Please recognize that this is far more subtle than your 'translation' that I
    would blame terrorism on the victims. Please also note the 'if' that starts
    my statement. American foreign policy IS checked to some (insufficient)
    extent by the ideals of Americans themselves. American ideals stopped the
    Vietnam war in the end, for instance.

    Finally you state:
    'Human nature is basically selfish. Acknowledging that undeniable truth is
    the basis for the success of the U.S. and capitalism. Superpowers don't just
    happen. But, human nature without social controls based on a shared morality
    will slip inexorably toward wallowing in biological pleasures'

    Selfish human nature (biological patterns of value) and social controls
    (social patterns of value) enforcing some degree of unselfish/moral
    behavior...? That seems a very crude picture of the biological and social
    levels to me. We both know lots of instances of selfish and unselfish/moral
    behavior. Blaming all the selfish behavior on biological patterns of value
    and all the unselfish/moral behavior on social (or intellectual) ones cannot
    be squared with the evolutionary facts as I see them. A lot of
    unselfish/'moral' behavior is DNA-encoded (as shown by comparable behavior
    among animals) and social patterns of value 'encode' a lot of (collective)
    selfish behavior vis-à-vis 'those who don't belong' (as in Pirsig's example
    of 'Primitive tribes such as the American Indians [having] no record of
    sweetness and cooperation with other tribes').

    Even if you do want to stick to that crude picture, however, you should be
    able to see the danger implied in it: emphasizing the selfishness of human
    nature may seem to justify selfishness. (As you wrote 7 Mar 2003
    08:51:13 -0500: 'To act after one's own interests is not, as you seem to
    suggest, inherently immoral.') The needed 'social controls' should at least
    get equal emphasis, also on a global level...

    Maybe (in this crude picture of yours) this 'wallowing in biological
    pleasures' you rail against also includes wallowing in cheap oil and other
    resources secured from the rest of the world with the help of (among other
    things) military power? Should that not be socially controlled?
    Justification of (collective) selfishness vis-à-vis the rest of the world
    may indeed be part of the basis for the 'success' of the U.S. and of
    capitalism...

    With friendly greetings,

    Wim

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